This Is Pretty Funny, in a Sad Way
After much back and forth, filibustering, meaningless diversions, and head fakes, Obama finally admits that the same dollar can’t be spent twice.
Dispatches from a Small Business
Archive for the ‘Health Care’ Category.
After much back and forth, filibustering, meaningless diversions, and head fakes, Obama finally admits that the same dollar can’t be spent twice.
This is pretty scary. From the Massachusetts state treasurer, the state health care system (essentially the model for the current version of Obamacare) is going bankrupt, and only huge cash infusions from the Federal government are hiding the full disaster.
“If President Obama and the Democrats repeat the mistake of the health insurance reform here in Massachusetts on a national level, they will threaten to wipe out the American economy within four years,†Cahill said in a press conference in his office.
Echoing criticism leveled by congressional Republicans in recent weeks, Cahill said, “It is time for the president, the Democratic leadership, to go back to the drawing board and come up with a new plan that does not threaten to bankrupt this country.â€
[T]he state’s health insurance law…Cahill said, “has nearly bankrupted the state.â€
Cahill said the law is being sustained only with the help of federal aid, which he suggested that the Obama administration is funneling to Massachusetts to help the president make the case for a similar plan in Congress.
“The real problem is the sucking sound of money that has been going in to pay for this health care reform,†Cahill said. “And I would argue that we’re being propped up so that the federal government and the Obama administration can drive it through†Congress.
The Democrats have no good ideas for controlling Medicare costs after a government takeover. If they did, they would have already implemented these ideas on Medicare or in Massachusetts. Their only plan is price controls and rationing. Here is an example of price controls hitting a wall in Medicare:
Walgreens drugstores across the state won’t take any new Medicaid patients, saying that filling their prescriptions is a money-losing proposition — the latest development in an ongoing dispute over Medicaid reimbursement….
In a news release, Walgreens said its decision to not take new Medicaid patients stemmed from a “continued reduction in reimbursement” under the state’s Medicaid program, which reimburses it at less than the break-even point for 95 percent of brand-name medications dispensed to Medicaid patents….
Washington was reimbursing pharmacies 86 percent of a drug’s average wholesale price until July, when it began paying them just 84 percent. While pharmacies weren’t happy about the reimbursement reduction, the Department of Social and Health Services said that move was expected to save the state about $10 million.
Then in September came another blow. The average wholesale price is calculated by a private company, which was accused in a Massachusetts lawsuit of fraudulently inflating its figures. The company did not admit wrongdoing but agreed in a court settlement to ratchet its figures down by about 4 percent.
So the Government is reimbursing retailers at 80% of wholesale costs. Even forgetting their overhead, Walgreens was asked to sell dollar bills to the government for 80 cents.
What both stories have in common are government health plans that are subsidized from the outside: The Feds are pouring money into Massachusetts and money is sucked out of the private medical side to subsidize Medicare. But what happens when there is only one system, when there is nothing outside of it to subsidize it? What are they counting on to save them?
Medicare already faces a $30 Trillion deficit. The bigger issue is that Democrats are poised to make cuts in Medicare — something that is incredibly difficult to do — but instead of applying those cuts towards Medicare, they are applying it towards a lavish new entitlement program.
Of course, that assumed that the spending estimates for the new health care plan are meaningful, which is highly unlikely, since every single entitlement of this kind has always vastly outspent its initial estimates. Greece, here we come.
Yes, the Europeans pay less per person for health care. Is the care as good?
Well, when life-expectancies are adjusted for things that are not amenable to the health care system (like murder rates), Americans have the highest life expectancy in the world, and by far the highest cancer survival rates.
The prices we pay for drugs and medical devices, while high, effectively subsidize the entire world’s medical R&D.
Oh yes, and we don’t have to wait 6 months to get treated. The wait time issue is often poo-poo’d by elites in the political debate, but it seems to be an important issue for real people:
In a survey, people were asked how they felt about various forms of medical care for a urinary tract infection or for influenza. While people preferred traditional, office-based care, they would opt to see a nurse-practitioner at a retail clinic if they could save at least $31.42. They would wait one day or more for an appointment if they would save at least $82.12.
The researchers concluded that the appointment wait period is the most important determining factors in an individual’s choice on where to seek care for minor health problems such as influenza. Primary-care doctors who fear their business will be undercut by the growing popularity of retail health clinics may want to offer more same-day appointments and walk-in hours.”
…
“This study is the first in the United States to quantify the relative importance of and the utility associated with the main attributes of retail clinics. The utility (willingness to pay) associated with receiving same-day care is more than twice the utility associated with receiving care from a physician. Primary care physician practices, especially in competitive markets, are therefore likely to derive greater competitive advantage by addressing patient convenience features (such as same-day scheduling, walk-in hours, and extended hours) than by reducing fees.”
Follow the link for more and a link to the original study. Patient convenience is the LAST thing government health care systems design for, but apparently, what actual people most want.
I say over and over, yes, we could reduce the cost of medical care (but by increasing the accountability of individuals for paying for their own care, exactly the opposite direction taken by the Obama plan). But a big reason that we pay more is not because we are stupid and incompetent, but because we can because we are wealthier. It is incontrovertible that we are wealthier per capital than the Europeans — is it surprising that we would choose to spend a large portion of this extra wealth on our health?
… so it’s probably about time. Kevin Drum has a very cogent analysis of all the issues, and is, if anything, givin ethanol the benefit of the doubt with some of the numbers he uses. He ends by echoing something I have said any number of times:
Bottom line: corn ethanol is no greener than gasoline. In fact, it’s almost certainly less green, and at the very least, there’s no urgent need for the U.S. government to pay billions of dollars to subsidize its production. Too bad Iowa is the first state on the primary calendar every four years, isn’t it?
What I find amazing is that when he wants to, Drum can be quite insightful about this kind of political failing, What I don’t understand is why he continues to advocate programs like government health care that are almost assured of being dominated by the same horrible incentives and decision-making. Under either the House or Senate health care bills, for example, just imagine the line of lobbyists who will be working to get their pet procedures covered under insurance must-cover rules. How can he possibly imagine that the same Congress that votes for ever-expanding ethanol subsidies is going to make good cost-benefit tradeoffs based on science for health care procedures? Doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results is the definiation of, what?
This was the trick behind cap-and-trade: Politicians know that the only real way to reduce energy usage is to raise its price much higher. They also know that doing so would lose them their jobs, so instead of passing a simple carbon tax, they created a cap-and-trade system that would force private companies to be the bad guys. They then try to hide this basic fact with a lot of distracting arm-waving about green jobs and wind power.
The new Obama health proposal, which looks a heck of a lot like the old Obama health proposal (same basic features, same lack of detail) plays a similar game. Do you remember all that Obama talk about mysterious brilliant ways to reduce health care costs? Where did they all go? It turns out that the only real idea they had for reducing health care costs was to deny people care. They just try to hide this with a lot of distracting arm-waving about gold-plated insurance and electronic medical records.
This denial of service is unpopular. In fact, it is a great (and sad) irony that Obama is trying to harness anger at insurance companies that is caused mainly by denial of coverage for certain procedures with a system that will deny coverage for even more procedures. Just like carbon taxes, Obama has fixed on a scheme where once again he sets up private enterprises to be the bad guys to give himself some sort of quasi-plausible deniability. Obama is proposing artificial price caps on insurance premiums. The inevitable result:
For example, as I have written elsewhere, artificially limiting premium growth allows the government to curtail spending while leaving the dirty work of withholding medical care to private insurers: “Premium caps, which Massachusetts governor Deval Patrick is currently threatening to impose, force private insurers to manage care more tightly — i.e., to deny coverage for more services.†No doubt the Obama administration would lay the blame for coverage denials on private insurers and claim that such denials demonstrate the need for a so-called “public option.â€
Alan Reynolds has more. And Peter Suderman. And Phillip Klein points to an interesting anti-progressive angle:
Like the Senate bill, Obama’s proposal doesn’t include a strict employer mandate, but it does penalize businesses who do not offer insurance to workers who then get their insurance through the exchange. The Obama proposal provides more subsidies to small businesses, and helps mid-sized businesses by exempting the first 30 workers when calculating the tax, but large employers who do not offer coverage would face higher penalties under the Obama proposal. In the end, the tax will make it more expensive for large employers to hire lower income workers (who qualify for government subsidies), and thus exacerbate unemployment.
My read is that this all takes a hodge-podge mess and, uh, makes it even hodgier-podgier.
By the way, my take is that there is only one health care cost reduction proposal worth talking about, and that is making individuals more responsible for their own health care costs, not less, thus creating incentives to do the thing we do for every other purchase we make: shop around.
For the left, its all about keeping the government out of one’s private decisions about his or her body, with the exception, of course, of any procedure not called “abortion.”
There just seems to be a tremendous mental block people have about paying cash for health care. Megan McArdle is surprised at how strong this bias is in some of her readers. I’m not, as I see it in my wife and friends all the time.
Several years ago we switched to a high-deductible catastrophic health care policy. We save a TON of money with this policy, such that year in and year out, even with fairly high out of pocket expenditures, our total health care expenses have been lowered.
Generally, I go ahead and wash all of the charges through the policy so I get credit for them against the cumulative deductible. But since we have never hit the number, I am increasingly less attached to this approach. Particularly since a number of doctors and other providers are offering cash discounts now for bypassing insurance and paying cash.
Here is an example — my son has had some elbow pain pitching lately, so seeing all the kids who are having to get Tommy John surgery before they are out of high school, we decided to make sure everything was OK. We took him to a GP who specialized in sports medicine and works with a number of MLB pitchers as a team physician to the Brewers. For cash, he charged me $50 and spent nearly 30 minutes with my son. Then he sent us downstairs for some x-rays of his elbow, and the radiology group there, again for cash, charged us $35 total for three x-rays. There are people who pay more for a pedicure.
Nothing is ever going to improve in health care costs until individuals take more responsibility for the cost-benefit tradeoffs of the services they receive.
I have warned for quite a while that government health care is a Trojan horse for all kinds of intrusive micro-regulations of our decisions and behaviors. Here’s an update: (via Maggies Farm)
“As the government assumes a larger share of health care costs, it is increasingly able to use that as a justification to intrude into personal decisions or private enterprises, whether it’s a matter of smoking policy, trans-fats, or salt,” we wrote last month. Now the Wall Street Journal is out with an editorial praising Michelle Obama’s campaign against childhood obesity, reasoning, “the reality is that U.S. obesity imposes huge costs on taxpayers. In 2006, the per capita increase in spending attributable to obesity was 36% for Medicare and 47% for Medicaid, according to a paper last year in Health Affairs. Many fat kids grow up to be fat adults, and you’ve got to start somewhere.”
Almost any behavior or decisions, from eating to driving to sports participation, has implications on one’s potential future health care costs. So by this logic, almost anything can be regulated. For example, I would argue that sex has a much higher health care cost impact than eating, not just in STD’s but in the cost of pregnancies and pediatrics. Or as another example, our family spent far more in health care costs on treating our kids’ accidents while playing sports than in dealing with any obesity costs. Should we be requiring kids to stay indoors playing on the computer where they will be safe from potentially expensive accidents?
The Senate health care bill relies for much of its funding on a tax on so-called “Cadillac” health care plans. But what happens when employees and employers inevitably change their behavior in the face of different incentives?
History teaches us that tax policy has a huge effect on behavior. Witness the fact in health care the non-nonsensical fact so many people rely on their employer for health care. As we see today, this is a really bad idea, but it was hatched because tax law provided incentives for paying compensation in the form of health insurance premiums, since these are not subject to either income or payroll taxes.
Already, employers are offering employees what are effectively buy-outs of health care — higher pay in return for reduced health care benefits. For employers, the upside risk on health care costs now outweigh the tax advantages of health insurance as a compensation tool. Given this trend, what do you think will happen when employees suddenly have the same incentive, to roll back health care coverage to get under whatever bar is set for an insurance package Congress thinks is too rich (hint: wherever the bar is set, it will be below the health insurance Congress provides itself). Employers and employees are now going to have a shared incentive to back off on health care benefits in exchange for more cash. Think of the sharp minds on both sides of a UAW contract negotiation – does anyone really think that these guys won’t figure out a win-win to avoid paying the surtax?
Three to five years from now, even before the system goes bankrupt from inevitably expanding costs (you didn’t really buy that stuff about the operator of Amtrak and the Post Office improving the industry’s efficiency, did you?), we are going to be talking about the gross shortfall in tax revenues to support these programs, all because people change their behavior in the face of changing incentives.
I am sure there are more landmines hidden in the Senate Bill, but the Heritage Foundation has parsed an implementation schedule from the most recent bill:
2010: Physician Medicare payments decrease 21% effective March 1, 2010
2011: “Annual Fee†tax on health insurance, allocated according to share of total premiums. Begins at $2 billion in 2011, then increases to $4 billion in 2012, $7 billion in 2013, $9 billion in the years 2014, 2015, and 2016, and eventually $10 billion for 2017 and every year thereafter. Two insurers in Nebraska and one in Michigan are exempt from this tax.
2012: Medicare payment penalties for hospitals with the highest readmission rates for selected conditions.
2013: Medicare tax increased from 2.9% to 3.8% for incomes over $250,000 (joint filers) or $200,000 (all others). (This is stated as an increase of 0.9 percentage points, to only the employee’s share of the FICA tax.)
2014: Individual mandate begins: Tax penalties for not having insurance begin at $95 or 0.5% of income, whichever is higher, rising to $495 or 1% of income in 2015 and $750 or 2% of income thereafter (indexed for inflation after 2016). These penalties are per adult, half that amount per child, to a maximum of three times the per-adult amount per family. The penalty is capped at the national average premium for the “bronze†plan.
2015: Establishment of Independent Medicare Advisory Board (IMAB) to recommend cuts in Medicare benefits; these cuts will go into effect automatically unless Congress passes, and the President signs, an override bill.
2016: Individual mandate penalty rises to $750 per adult ($375 per child), maximum $2,250 per family, or 2% of family income, whichever is higher (capped at the national average premium for the “bronze†plan). After 2016, the penalty will be increased each year to adjust for inflation.
There is a link in the original to a more detailed timeline. There is a lot more that is left out of this brief timeline, see it here.
There are very few problems that can’t be traced to information and incentives. I thought of this when Tyler Cowen discusses an attempt to improve health care costs with better information:
The health care reform bill before the U.S. Senate would require hospitals to publicize their standard charges for services, but New Hampshire and Maine have gone much further in trying to make health care costs more transparent to consumers.
New Hampshire and Maine are the only states with Web sites that let consumers compare costs based on insurance claims paid there.
In New Hampshire, the price variation across providers hasn’t lessened since the Web site went live in 2007.
The problem is that this is all useless if individuals have not particular incentive to shop. If I were on Unemployment, would I bother to check a web site to see which unemployment offices had the lowest operating costs and go there to get my check? No way, what incentive would I have to do so? I am going to the closest one, or the one with the fewest lines. Ditto with most people and health care:

Of course, the new health care bill will only make this worse. Those of us who actually have an incentive to shop, either with high deductible policies and/or HSA’s will see our policies banned. The new health care bill has done nothing but attempt to drive this line all the way to zero.
Update: IBD publishes on the exact same topic (I beat them by 12 hours).
Patients have little direct connection in paying for their care. Their role has fallen significantly. Meanwhile, the government’s involvement has grown, as has that of the insurance industry.Because so many Americans rely on an insurance policy or a government program to pay their health care bills, the internal governors that temper the rest of their purchases are turned off. When a visit to the doctor’s office or a diagnostic test costs them a mere $10 or $20 co-payment out of pocket — or there is no charge at all — cost has little impact on their decision to see a doctor.
“By not knowing the full costs associated with health care, consumers demand more and ‘overuse’ it,” Kenneth E. Thorpe explained a few years back in Health Affairs.
Americans would be more judicious in seeking health care — they would self-ration — if the right incentives were in place. An effective way to cut overuse and bring down costs would be to encourage through public policy the use of health savings accounts. If consumers used HSAs to pay the full amount for medical care at the point of service rather than letting employer-funded insurance or a government program pay the bills, the demand would fall.
The Democrats’ health care legislation, however, puts more distance between Americans and the payment process and promotes dependence on government. That will only drive down consumers’ out-of-pocket expenses even further and force overall health care spending upward. Under such a regime, the system will be worse off than it is now.
A last-minute change in the federal health care bill ditched a proposed 5 percent tax on cosmetic medical procedures and replaced it with a 10 percent tax on indoor tanning services.
Goodbye Botox tax. Hello tan tax.
This seems really random. Why should either of these businesses foot a special, disproportionate share of my health care bill? Well, things that seem random to most of us make perfect sense in Congress.
The tan tax popped up in the health care bill last weekend after powerful medical lobbies – including the American Academy of Dermatology Association, American Medical Association, American Society of Plastic Surgeons and Botox-maker Allergan – persuaded Congress to remove a tax on cosmetic medical procedures and replace it with a 10 percent surcharge on indoor tanning services.
Lobbyists are very good at punching political hot-buttons. Since they couldn’t argue that botox is “for the children,” and since it is generally used by rich white people they could not place the race or class card, they played the only card they had:
“Since 90 percent of cosmetic surgery patients are women, this would have been a very discriminatory tax,” said White, who opposed the cosmetic surgery tax.
Technocrats want to believe, and perhaps honestly believe themselves, that care guidelines in the new Federal health care system will be science-based. What possible basis do they have for thinking that? We have 50 state laboratories, where states specify must-carry rules on procedures, and not a single one of these lists are science based – they are loaded with special interest handouts. I even show in this post how special interests give money to academia to produce studies whose entire conclusion is that certain procedures (performed by the special interest group funding the study) need to be in the minimum coverage laws. The very first time out, when confronted with a science-based care recommendation (that women not receive breast cancer screening until after 50), the Congress specifically overrode it in the bill under a firestorm of public outcry.
But maybe the dermatologist guys are really looking after us? After all:
The American Academy of Dermatology warns of significant health risks caused by indoor tanning.
But, as it turns out, it only sees health risks in the use of ultra-violet light by practitioners who are not members of their trade group. I have bolded the key passage that gives away the game.
Indoor tanning industry groups note that dermatologists use tanning equipment in their offices for cosmetic skin conditions, such as eczema and psoriasis, in phototherapy treatments that cost up to $100 per visit billed to health insurance companies. In contrast, indoor tanning salons cost as little as $6 to $20 per session.
The tan tax would exempt phototherapy services performed by a licensed medical professional.
“This is like Coke being allowed to lobby the government to tax Pepsi, but that Coke be allowed to sell the same product and not be taxed for it,” International Smart Tan Network Vice President Joseph Levy said in a statement. “It’s unbelievable.”
Apparently Senate Democrats have built a number of “entrenchment” provisions in the health care bill attempting to limit the ability of future Congresses to modify the law:
Jonathan notes that the health care bill includes certain “entrenchment†provisions, and asks, “can the current Senate bind future Senates in this way?†If I understand the bill correctly, it creates an independent board that recommends ways to limit Medicare payments. These recommendations go to the president, who in turn is supposed to submit them to Congress. Congressional procedures are likewise constrained. The Senate, for example, cannot debate the proposal for more than 30 hours; there are limits on House procedures as well. The idea seems to be to constrain filibustering and other parliamentary maneuvers that would defeat cost-saving legislation in the future. As Jonathan notes, the bill further provides that these constraints cannot be overturned by majority rule but require a 2/3 supermajority.
A couple of thoughts:
This is truly hilarious, from our President via the WSJ:
From the outset, the White House’s core claim was that reform would reduce health costs for individuals and businesses, and they’re sticking to that story. “Anyone who says otherwise simply hasn’t read the bills,” Mr. Obama said over the weekend. This is so utterly disingenuous that we doubt the President really believes it.
This is hilarious. Not only had few people been able to slog through the old 2000+ page bill, but Harry Reid threw the whole thing out and substituted a double secret replacement bill on Saturday the NO ONE has read, Obama included. So this statement is technically true, but reverse statement is also equally true – “anyone who agrees with the President simply hasn’t read the bill, either.”
It is totally clear to me that Obama and Pelosi will spend any amount of money to pass their key legislative initiatives. In the case of Waxman-Markey, the marginal price per vote turned out to be about $3.5 billion. But they didn’t even blink at paying this. That is why I fear that some horrible form of health care “reform†may actually pass. If it does, the marginal cost per vote may be higher, but I don’t think our leaders care.
Instapundit, December 21, 2009
CASH FOR CLOTURE: “You can’t even dignify this squalid racket as bribery: If I try to buy a cop, I have to use my own money. But, when Harry Reid buys a senator, he uses my money, too. It doesn’t ‘border on immoral’: it drives straight through the frontier post and heads for the dark heartland of immoral.â€
Plus, Oh, Nebraska. So what exactly was different about what Rod Blagojevich did?
This is pretty funny — the left pretends to be confused as to why the health care bill’s key services don’t come into effect until 2014. As if they were not totally onboard with the strategy.
Kevin Drum is reporting, as I predicted, that the Democrats have bought off the remaining votes they needed (with our tax money) and that there will be a successful cloture vote this evening on the health care bill. Bad news, though I have been prepared for it for a while. I honestly believe that 90% of this country is going to end up worse off to help out the remaining 10%. The analogy I often use is that this is just like the crappy public housing we built in the 1960′s, except everyone, not just the poor, are going to have to move into it. The only remaining questions that remain are 1) how long after passage of this bill do Democrats admit they grossly fibbed on the price and start jacking up taxes; and 2) how hard a hit (and how fast) will drug and medical innovation take. Enjoy. The only silver lining is that many of the folks who passed this mess are not going to have their jobs a year from now.
Update: Overlawyered has more bad news about the bill’s provisions. A lot more of this will come out as the people are actually allowed to read it.
It has bothered me in an earlier post that I missed several critical tricks the Democrats in Congress are using to understate the cost of their health care bills. These are important enough that I am re-writing the original post:
I think most folks were shocked that the CBO scored the Baucus bill as deficit-neutral. Well, we are starting to understand why (by the way, these are not criticisms of the CBO, but of the Senate). So far, four major budget tricks have been identified:
1. The cost of the individual mandate is not in the scoring. There seems to be a lot of spin on this issue, as to whether the mandate is a “tax” or not, but word games aside, clearly the individual mandate is a major cost of the program to Americans. The best analogy I can give is that if the government cut your taxes that go to road construction but then mandated that everyone fund directly out of their pocket the cost of a quarter mile of road repairs each year, most people would see this as a cost either way. But it turns out that the CBO scores things differently.
First, a little history. Like both the House and Senate bills, the Clinton health plan would have mandated that individuals and employers purchase private insurance. In its 1994 score of the Clinton plan, Bob Reischauer’s CBO included those mandated “private†payments in the federal budget –- i.e., as federal revenues and federal expenditures.
And yet, none of the CBO scores of this year’s bills include the costs of similar individual/employer mandates as federal revenues or federal spending.
My read of the CBO’s score of the Clinton health plan is that the private-sector mandates accounted for around 60 percent of the Clinton health plan’s total cost, the remainder being (traditional) government spending. So how is it that the CBO made the full cost of the Clinton health plan apparent to the public in 1994, but may now be revealing only 40 percent of the cost of the Obama health plan?…
The Medical Loss Ratios memo is the smoking gun. It shows that indeed, Democrats have been submitting proposals to the CBO behind closed doors and tailoring their private-sector mandates to avoid having those costs appear in the federal budget. Proposals that would result in a complete cost estimate — such as the proposal by Sen. Rockefeller discussed in the Medical Loss Ratios memo — are dropped. Because we can’t let the public see how much this thing really costs.
Crafting the private-sector mandates such that they fall just a hair short of CBO’s criteria for inclusion in the federal budget does not reduce their cost, nor does it make those mandates any less binding. But it dramatically reduces the apparent cost of the legislation. It is the reason we’re all talking about an $848 billion Reid bill, rather than a $2.1 trillion Reid bill.
2. Now-you-see-it-now-you-don’t Medicare cuts. Via Michael Tanner of Cato:
When the Senate Finance Committee released CBO scoring of its health care reform proposal last week, we warned that its claim of reducing future budget deficits was achieved only through dishonestly assuming that Congress will implement a 21% reduction in Medicare payments that is scheduled under current law. We pointed out that Congress has been supposed to make those reductions since 2003, and never has. Now—surprise, surprise—Democrats have introduced a bill to eliminate the scheduled cut, at a cost of $247 billion. But Democrats cleverly are putting the new spending in a separate bill, so it won’t change scoring of health care reform. Have they no shame?
3. Transfer of costs off the Federal budget to the states (which the CBO does not score). Via Glen Reynolds
Gov. Phil Bredesen warned Tuesday that pending federal health care legislation could cost Tennessee far more than the $735 million “best estimate†his administration previously has cited.
The $735 million would stretch over five years, but “in addition, there are huge unknowns for the states in this reform,†Gov. Bredesen said, estimating that those costs, if realized, could exceed another $3 billion from 2014 to 2019. . . . “I’m glad they’re trying to do it without increasing the federal deficit, that certainly is important,†said Gov. Bredesen, a Democrat who has been critical of the plan’s impact on states. “But to turn around and increase the state deficits as the way to handle it that does not seem a very appropriate way to do that.â€
4. Match 6 years of expenses with 10 years of revenues. From an earlier post:
Bruce McQuain points out something I think has not gotten enough attention in the health care bill. The new taxes being proposed start in 2010, but the benefits don’t begin until 2013 and are phased in through something like 2018. That means for any 10-year budget look, there are 10 years of taxes but only 6-7 years of benefits. And even with this trick, the plan STILL adds a trillion dollars to the deficit, even before the certainly more pessimistic CBO numbers come in.
I still think all the political to and fro on the health care bill is so much smoke and mirrors. I still believe this:
It is totally clear to me that Obama and Pelosi will spend any amount of money to pass their key legislative initiatives. In the case of Waxman-Markey, the marginal price per vote turned out to be about $3.5 billion. But they didn’t even blink at paying this. That is why I fear that some horrible form of health care “reform†may actually pass. If it does, the marginal cost per vote may be higher, but I don’t think our leaders care.
Too many politicians cojones are on the line now. They are past caring about cost or unintended consequences or even if the bill achieves their own goals they originally set for it. They are now driven to pass something, and since it is we taxpayers and not Congress that will individually bear the burden of their mistakes, something is very likely going to pass.
Good editorial today in the WSJ on the myth of government health care cost control:
A field as dynamic and innovative as U.S. medicine, in which costs are largely driven by new technologies and better ways of caring for patients, is rife with complexities and uncertainties. But no one bothered to strike that note of caution when Washington was hopped up on a cost-control gambit that was too painless to be true. The new cost-control apologists concede that there isn’t any actual plan for controlling costs: Throw enough speculative policies against the wall, they say, and some breakthrough will stick. Yet Mr. Orszag’s no-less-confident predecessors spent decades trying to pull down Medicare spending with little to no success. Technocracy rarely if ever works as intended. Mr. Gawande points to the case study of U.S. farm policy, and if politically sacrosanct agriculture subsidies and rural price-supports are the best to hope for, then what’s the worst?
More relevant examples include Medicare’s “relative value” payment scale, which was designed in 1985 by the Harvard economist William Hsiao to encourage more primary care. That’s this year’s rallying cry too. “Diagnosis-related groups” were introduced into Medicare in 1983 to alleviate hospital cost growth, and what a monumental success that turned out to be. With only brief periods of relatively slower growth, nominal Medicare spending has risen on average at an annual rate of 9.6% since 1980. Over the same period total Medicare spending has grown 13-fold, climbing from 1.2% of the economy to 3.2% today.
Congress lacks the stomach for serious cost control in any case. One policy Mr. Orszag favors—Medicare penalties for hospitals that re-admit certain patients—is limited to only three conditions in the Senate bill, and the penalties are trivial.
Another—a putatively independent commission that is supposed to enforce cost cutting—is barred from going after costs incurred by doctors and hospitals, which leaves out more than half of Medicare spending. Earlier this year Mr. Orszag got into a heated debate with Henry Waxman over such a commission at a dinner party hosted by Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro, precisely because the House baron enjoys the political power that flows from controlling health spending.
Paging Friedrich von Hayek. The administration constantly whines that none of his critics ever offer an alternative (a patently false statement that seems to play well in the sympathetic press, very parallel to the global warming alarmist charge that skeptics haven’t offered an alternative explanation of past warming).
Hmmm. One liberal sage noted in a 2007 paper that “four decades of empirical research” have shown that insulating people through third-party insurance coverage “from the full cost of health care has been responsible for anywhere from 10% to 50% of the large increase in health expenditures.” Ultimately, he concluded, increasing cost-sharing would give individuals a direct stake in more prudent purchasing, as opposed to today’s invisible health dollars that vanish as more expensive premiums, foregone wages and higher taxes.
Those are the words of Jason Furman, now the White House deputy economic director who seems to have been put into witness protection. Every serious health economist in the country recommends reforming the tax exclusion for employer-sponsored insurance, perhaps by converting it to a deduction or credit. Cost control will never stick unless it is extricated from politics and transferred to individuals to make their own trade-offs.
Such reforms were ruled out by union opposition, so the Senate gestures at them with a 40% excise tax on high-cost insurance plans, on the theory that two wrongs will make a right. But this untargeted tax will simply raise the cost of coverage for all workers in a given pool—it’s too clever by 40%—while doing nothing to stem the distortions from first-dollar, third-party insurance.
This was simply amazing to me. For years, I and others have said that putting more health care spending under insurance plans was going exactly the wrong direction, both from an individual choice as well as a system cost perspective. By eliminating the need or incentive to shop by the consumer of services, prices almost inevitably rise.
Here is a fabulous smoking gun example from my windshield repair today. I happen to have free windshield replacement in my insurance policy. I called the insurance company and said I had an auto glass claim. I was transferred to Safelite Auto Glass, who apparently (very intelligently) have a contract to process claims for my insurance company. They said I could use any provider, but would I like them to call out someone for me — if I used their choice, the insurance company would guarantee the work.
Well, what did I care — I wasn’t paying for it — so I had them make an appointment for me. Unsurprisingly, it was with Safelite Auto Glass.
I must add here that Safelite did an exceptional job, the guy who showed up at my workplace was friendly and competent. No complaints at all about the service or workmanship.
Anyway, I got a bill for which I owed zero dollars, which I suppose is heading right this minute for the insurance company. Before I show it to you, I was curious what I would have paid for this service if it hadn’t been insured and I shopped around. I got just one quote – from the Safelite Auto Glass web site. This is a bit unrealistic because for a purchase this large, I would have gotten several quotes. But this was the only quote I needed. The charge to me if I bought the new glass service with my own money without insurance was$321.05 (click to enlarge).
And this was the bill I signed for the insurance company:
For a total of $710.40. Same service. Same car. Same customer. Same part. Probably the same repair guy. 2.2x higher price.
Now, I suppose I might be willing to believe there is some invoice pricing game here and the insurance company may get a discount over invoice, similar to car sales, though I am not sure what their incentive would be for this game — it should be the opposite. In fact, we can be nearly positive they are marking up the price to insurance companies given a) the web quote says right up front it is not good for insurance work and b) I have already shown how glass companies give enormous consumer kickbacks for insurance work.
If I had cared, I would have eschewed the offer on the call to have them set up the appointment and shopped around for the best kickback. All a cross subsidy from those who don’t use the insurance to those who do use the insurance. Talk about a terrible incentive.
I think the conclusion is pretty strong. Anything we shift to insurance from having individuals pay out of pocket gets substantially more expensive. And this doesn’t even address my changing willingness to live with a small windshield crack and avoid this purchase altogether when I am paying the bills vs. when I am not.
Kevin Drum responding to a study by Jonathan Gruber:
There are three important things to note about this. First, the Senate bill lowers average premiums across the board. Second, in addition to this reduction, the Senate bill provides subsidies to low- and middle-income familes that makes health insurance even less expensive. Third, it does this for a plan that covers about 70% of all medical expenses, compare to a non-reform plan that covers only about 60% of all expenses. On an apples-to-apples basis, the Senate bill lowers premiums by about 20% and then subsidizes that lower price to reduce the cost of coverage even more.
I won’ bother to dispute the study’s finding until I have read it, though it flies in the face of experience in all the individual states who have actually tried this. However, here is a few things even without disputing the study methodology are nearly assured:
1. It is not a cost decrease for those who currently choose not to buy insurance. It is an enormous cost increase. Further, the cost decreases projected in this study are based mainly on the implicit subsidy of young healthy people being forced to purchase a policy whose price is much, much higher than its expected benefit to them, thereby subsidizing the rest of us. Further, this subsidy is enhanced by provisions in the bill that put cost caps on policies for the sick and elderly, thereby increasing the amount the young and healthy pay and therefore increasing the cross-subsidization.
2. It is not a cost decrease if you are like me and have real insurance, by that I mean insurance that covers catastrophes rather than regular maintenance. Those of us with high deductible health plans, which are the smartest plans from a system perspective because it forces us to price-shop and make tradeoffs for routine procedures, will see our costs go up as our plans are banned.
3. Likewise, those of us who have policies that cover a narrower range of things (e.g. no mental care, no aromatherapy, no massage, etc) and happily live in a state that allows such narrower policies will see our prices increase as the Senate bill forces us to pay for coverage we do not want.
In other words, the Senate bill might, sort of, possibly represent somewhat of a price decrease if you currently are insured and you are not young and not healthy and desire exactly the one-size fits all policy that Congress is mandating.
Of course, this assumes that Congress will resist a parade of special interests trying to get their particular procedure or device included in the mandated coverage guidelines. So far, state governments like New York have not been able to resist the blandishments of these folks, causing premium prices to skyrocket, and I see not hope Congress will resist either.
And all this assumes that price caps and various rules Congress puts in place won’t drive out the providers in the system. What good is a $100 price cut if I have to spend 20 extra hours a year of my valuable time standing in lines, filling out forms, or trying to find a doctor who will take me on.
Update: More on the numbers here.
Wow, you mean different individuals actually have different preferences and value procedures in different ways? Weird! Who would have ever thought that everyone would not be silently satisfied at whatever one-size-fits-all solution is crafted by Congress and other people who apparently “know best.” The concept seems to throw Kevin Drum for a loop.
If we all paid for minor stuff like this out of pocket, there would not be a problem. We’d spend or not based on our own preferences.
As a side note, my wife is a worrier. And she has seen at least three of her friends under-50 in the last year be diagnosed with breast cancer. No matter what the elites say, for my wife the right answer is to test. The resulting worry she would have from not testing would dwarf, in terms of quality of life, any downsides of the test. Which is also why we have paid to have several questionable things biopsied even when doctors said it probably was not necessary. Know thyself.